Documenting the undocumented in the Syrian war On the borderlines The Syrian conflict has extended for over a year and there is no indication that it will soon end. Both sides are being superfluously equipped to kill each other. How is this a struggle for freedom by the Syrian people? There is a line that divides the little Turkish town of Kelis from the Syrian city of Aziz. Leaving Kelis is not an issue but entering Syria requires a somewhat well thought out narrative. There are approximately 300 meters that separate these borders, but my colleague and I decided to march this road. As we crossed, I panned to the right and saw a field scattered with bolted signs that warned of ‘landmines’. When I looked to the left I saw a field displaying several signs also cautioning about ‘landmines.’ Yet on the horizon, overlooking the seeds of hysterical demolition, I could feel the effluvia of the shinning sun.T
he Syrian conflict has extended for over a year and there is no indication that it will soon end. Both sides are being superfluously equipped to kill each other. Yet basic resources such as adequate medical assistance, food and fresh water are in unjustifiably short supply.
I had the opportunity to speak with several members from a specific faction in the FSA, a faction that refers to themselves as ‘The Eagles of the Ghost.’ They told me that both Islamic Libyan rebels, and other militants affiliated with Libya’s National Transitional Council (NTC) comprise a significant portion of their resistance group. There are also an abundant amount of private donors and non-state actors who are funding either the FSA or the Assad Regime. In Saudi Arabia, for instance, numerous corrupt officials are allegedly donating their Zakat to further equip the FSA. For those who might not know, Zakat is one of the five pillars of Islam which urges each Muslim to give a fixed amount of their wealth to anyone in need. Despite the corruption, there are numerous Saudis sincerely expecting their donations to facilitate the movement of humanitarian resources.
The unfortunate truth, however, is that the majority of this ‘aid’ is actually supporting the luxurious lifestyles of a few and the unrestricted shipment of arms into the hands of nearly everyone else. Moreover, Saudi Arabia is sending some of their own militants into Syria. Meanwhile, Turkey is adapting a similar role as Pakistan by compliantly fulfilling America’s every wish. The United States has pressured Turkey into establishing a FSA base in the Turkish city of Adana. This city is located roughly a hundred kilometers away from the Syrian border. The United States are using Turkey as a vehicle to foster and weaponize dubious armed rebels who claim to be the FSA. All of this foreign ‘support’ is given under the plot of helping Syrians in their fight for freedom. But whose freedom are all these various rebel groups fighting for? These political tribulations add gasoline to the already burning grounds that are endlessly waiting for any substantial humanitarian assistance. Paradoxically, I can’t even be sure if such a thing even exists.Today there is still ubiquitous dialogue surrounding the potential for international intervention, which in my opinion is entirely insincere. At this point, there is an uncountable amount of foreign actors meddling and manipulating the Syrian war. The debate on intervention has more to do with ‘legitimacy’ and transparency than anything else. If the international community truly wants the ‘right to protect’ (R2P) the Syrian people, a resolution manipulated to extend the ‘white man’s burden,’ then why is there an uncontested effort to continue nurturing the grounds that harvest death? The ‘right to protect’ is often employed as a license to kill. I recall Jean Jacques Rousseau proudly declaring that he would rather be a ‘man of prejudice than a man of paradox.’ Today I listen to Syria’s roars and with a face of naked sadness I watch international polities foolishly absorb both vices.[ed notes:im only citing few paragraphs,click link for whole paragraph..i should state that the author isn't pro assad,and he does romanticize aspects of opposition ...i would say hes just attempting to giving impression of being ''somewhat'' balanced,i also seen his personal writtings where he interviews a syrian kurd,who says he wa stortured,but this cat be independently verified,so i say Allah knows best.. ...i am wondering why he didnt mention the armed rebels crimes,against syrians,lebanese and even turks themselves..
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