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On Friday, December 2, U.S. Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta addressed the opening session of the 2011 Saban Forum, an annual gathering of U.S. and Israeli officials and policymakers organized by the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.This year's Forum, entitled “Strategic Challenges in the New Middle East,” focuses on the historic shifts taking place across the Arab world and their implications for U.S.-Israeli security and interests in the Middle East region. In his speech, Secretary Panetta discussed the U.S.-Israel security relationship, including international efforts to curb Iran's nuclear program.PANETTAS TRANSCRIPT http://www.defense.gov/transcripts/transcript.aspx?transcriptid=4937
SECRETARY OF DEFENSE LEON PANETTA: Thank you. Thank you very much for that kind introduction and thank you to my fellow Californian. Haim, Haim is someone who I think has really served his country by bringing the cause of the United States and Israel together. He has served that cause with tremendous distinction. He’s provided vision and support for this very important conference. But more broadly I’d like to thank you, Haim, for your commitment to strengthening the bond between the United States and Israel – a cause that is a key priority for me as secretary of defense. For that reason, it is truly an honor to be here tonight and to join all of you and so many distinguished guests in helping to open this year’s Saban Forum. My personal connection to Israel dates back to my days as a member of Congress. For more than 10 years I shared a house with a group of fellow congressmen right here in the District of Columbia. If you’ve seen the movie “Animal House,” you’ll have some idea of what this was like. (Laughter.)
One of the members of that exclusive fraternity was Chuck Schumer, someone that many of you know and that many of you understand has a tremendous passion for Israel that is deep and infectious. We slept on the bottom of this house – the living room area – and every night before we went to sleep, he made me say the Shema. (Laughter.) In the years since, as director of the CIA and now as the secretary of defense, I’ve worked closely with a number of Israeli leaders – the prime minister, many intelligence and military leaders, one of whom I understand is here this evening. Mayor Gigan (ph), who I often work with at Mossad and I understand is participating in this forum. Ehud Barak is also a friend that I’ve known for years, and we’ve already had the opportunity to meet a number of times in our capacities and to discuss our shared efforts to strengthen Israel’s security.
These largely positive trends were also accompanied by some dark ones. A discredited regime is still violently clinging to power in Syria, though the pressure against it is increasing dramatically each day. I want to condemn in the strongest possible terms the Bashar al-Assad regime’s murder and torture of children that the U.N. reported this week in Geneva. Assad’s conduct has deservedly brought scorn and pressure and punishing sanctions not just by the United States and Europe, but now by the Arab League and Turkey as well. In addition, Iran’s continued drive to develop nuclear capabilities, including troubling enrichment activities and past work on weaponization that has now been documented by the IAEA, and its continued support to groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, and other terrorist organizations make clear that the regime in Tehran remains a very grave threat to all of us. All this upheaval – all of this upheaval is posing new challenges for Israel regarding its security position in the region. But in this time of understandable anxiety, I would like to underscore one thing that has stayed constant over the past three years of this administration: The determination of the United States to safeguard Israel’s security. And that commitment will not change. I want to be clear that Israel can count on three enduring pillars in U.S. policy in the region, all of which contribute directly to the safety and prosperity of the Israeli people. First, our unshakable commitment to Israel’s security. Second, our broader commitment to regional stability. And third, our determination to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. (Applause.) These are not merely rhetorical assurances. These are firm principles – principles that are backed up by tangible action, a commitment of resources, and demonstrable resolve. Let me explain what I mean in each of the areas I’ve just defined. First, this administration has pursued and achieved unprecedented levels of defense cooperation with Israel to back up our unshakable commitment to Israel’s security. Next year, the U.S. armed forces and the IDF will conduct the largest joint exercises in the history of that partnership, enhancing the ability of our militaries to operate together and also testing our new ballistic missile and rocket defense capabilities. Those new capabilities are themselves a product of this unprecedented defense cooperation.
Last September I met in New York with members of the Gulf Cooperation Council to underscore the importance of those partnerships. Iran must ultimately realize that its quest for nuclear weapons will make it less, not more, secure. These efforts are increasing Tehran’s isolation and I continue to believe that pressure – economic pressure, diplomatic pressure – and strengthened collective defenses are the right approach. Still, it is my department’s responsibility to plan for all contingencies and to provide the president with a wide range of military options should they become necessary.
That is a responsibility I take very seriously because when it comes to the threat posed by Iran, the president has made it very clear that we have not taken any options off the table. Our deliberate and focused approach to Iran, our efforts to enhance regional security and stability, and our unshakable commitment to Israel’s security make clear that even at this time of great change, our determination to safeguard Israel’s security is steady and sure. Indeed, it is stronger than ever.
But in every strong relationship built on trust, built on friendship, built on mutual security, it demands that both sides work towards the same common goals. And Israel, too, has responsibility to pursue our shared goals to build regional support for Israel and the United States’ security objectives. I believe security is dependent on a strong military, but it is also dependent on strong diplomacy. And unfortunately, over the past year we have seen Israel’s isolation from its traditional security partners in the region grow, and the pursuit of a comprehensive Middle East peace has effectively been put on hold. I want to be clear: This isolation is due to a number of factors. Indeed, there is an international campaign underway to isolate Israel. President Obama has stood steadfastly in the way of that effort, especially in the United Nations. But I have never known an Israeli government, or an Israeli for that matter, to be passive about anything, let alone this troubling trend. And so I’ve been working with the leaders there, Minister Barak and others, to find ways to help Israel take steps which are profoundly in its interests. For example, Israel can reach out and mend fences with those who share an interest in regional stability – countries like Turkey and Egypt, as well as Jordan. This is an important time to be able to develop and restore those key relationships in this crucial area. This is not impossible. If gestures are rebuked, the world will see those rebukes for what they are. That is exactly why Israel should pursue them.
Mr. Secretary, the U.S. backed – intervened in Libya to stop the regime from killing its people. Why not in Syria?
SEC. PANETTA: You know, I think I’ve been asked this question a number of times, as do others. You can’t simply take a cookie-cutter approach to that region and decide that – I mean, apply force in one area, you know, makes sense in another area. I think right now my sense is that, by virtue, again, of the economic and diplomatic sanctions the international community has imposed, the fact that the Arab League has imposed sanctions, the fact that Turkey is imposing sanctions – all of this I think is, again, isolate the government in Syria.
And, you know, I can’t tell you when, but clearly it’s a matter of time before Assad is taken off of his position of leadership in Syria.
We are – I mean, it is tragic, obviously, that there are people who are dying, but the key right now is to continue to put pressure on him, to continue the international unity that is continuing to make the effort to replace Assad. That, I think, is working. It’s working effectively.
[ed note:this is extensive so i cant post everything said due to lack of space on blogs front page click link above for rest...
One of the members of that exclusive fraternity was Chuck Schumer, someone that many of you know and that many of you understand has a tremendous passion for Israel that is deep and infectious. We slept on the bottom of this house – the living room area – and every night before we went to sleep, he made me say the Shema. (Laughter.) In the years since, as director of the CIA and now as the secretary of defense, I’ve worked closely with a number of Israeli leaders – the prime minister, many intelligence and military leaders, one of whom I understand is here this evening. Mayor Gigan (ph), who I often work with at Mossad and I understand is participating in this forum. Ehud Barak is also a friend that I’ve known for years, and we’ve already had the opportunity to meet a number of times in our capacities and to discuss our shared efforts to strengthen Israel’s security.
These largely positive trends were also accompanied by some dark ones. A discredited regime is still violently clinging to power in Syria, though the pressure against it is increasing dramatically each day. I want to condemn in the strongest possible terms the Bashar al-Assad regime’s murder and torture of children that the U.N. reported this week in Geneva. Assad’s conduct has deservedly brought scorn and pressure and punishing sanctions not just by the United States and Europe, but now by the Arab League and Turkey as well. In addition, Iran’s continued drive to develop nuclear capabilities, including troubling enrichment activities and past work on weaponization that has now been documented by the IAEA, and its continued support to groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, and other terrorist organizations make clear that the regime in Tehran remains a very grave threat to all of us. All this upheaval – all of this upheaval is posing new challenges for Israel regarding its security position in the region. But in this time of understandable anxiety, I would like to underscore one thing that has stayed constant over the past three years of this administration: The determination of the United States to safeguard Israel’s security. And that commitment will not change. I want to be clear that Israel can count on three enduring pillars in U.S. policy in the region, all of which contribute directly to the safety and prosperity of the Israeli people. First, our unshakable commitment to Israel’s security. Second, our broader commitment to regional stability. And third, our determination to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. (Applause.) These are not merely rhetorical assurances. These are firm principles – principles that are backed up by tangible action, a commitment of resources, and demonstrable resolve. Let me explain what I mean in each of the areas I’ve just defined. First, this administration has pursued and achieved unprecedented levels of defense cooperation with Israel to back up our unshakable commitment to Israel’s security. Next year, the U.S. armed forces and the IDF will conduct the largest joint exercises in the history of that partnership, enhancing the ability of our militaries to operate together and also testing our new ballistic missile and rocket defense capabilities. Those new capabilities are themselves a product of this unprecedented defense cooperation.
Last September I met in New York with members of the Gulf Cooperation Council to underscore the importance of those partnerships. Iran must ultimately realize that its quest for nuclear weapons will make it less, not more, secure. These efforts are increasing Tehran’s isolation and I continue to believe that pressure – economic pressure, diplomatic pressure – and strengthened collective defenses are the right approach. Still, it is my department’s responsibility to plan for all contingencies and to provide the president with a wide range of military options should they become necessary.
That is a responsibility I take very seriously because when it comes to the threat posed by Iran, the president has made it very clear that we have not taken any options off the table. Our deliberate and focused approach to Iran, our efforts to enhance regional security and stability, and our unshakable commitment to Israel’s security make clear that even at this time of great change, our determination to safeguard Israel’s security is steady and sure. Indeed, it is stronger than ever.
But in every strong relationship built on trust, built on friendship, built on mutual security, it demands that both sides work towards the same common goals. And Israel, too, has responsibility to pursue our shared goals to build regional support for Israel and the United States’ security objectives. I believe security is dependent on a strong military, but it is also dependent on strong diplomacy. And unfortunately, over the past year we have seen Israel’s isolation from its traditional security partners in the region grow, and the pursuit of a comprehensive Middle East peace has effectively been put on hold. I want to be clear: This isolation is due to a number of factors. Indeed, there is an international campaign underway to isolate Israel. President Obama has stood steadfastly in the way of that effort, especially in the United Nations. But I have never known an Israeli government, or an Israeli for that matter, to be passive about anything, let alone this troubling trend. And so I’ve been working with the leaders there, Minister Barak and others, to find ways to help Israel take steps which are profoundly in its interests. For example, Israel can reach out and mend fences with those who share an interest in regional stability – countries like Turkey and Egypt, as well as Jordan. This is an important time to be able to develop and restore those key relationships in this crucial area. This is not impossible. If gestures are rebuked, the world will see those rebukes for what they are. That is exactly why Israel should pursue them.
Mr. Secretary, the U.S. backed – intervened in Libya to stop the regime from killing its people. Why not in Syria?
SEC. PANETTA: You know, I think I’ve been asked this question a number of times, as do others. You can’t simply take a cookie-cutter approach to that region and decide that – I mean, apply force in one area, you know, makes sense in another area. I think right now my sense is that, by virtue, again, of the economic and diplomatic sanctions the international community has imposed, the fact that the Arab League has imposed sanctions, the fact that Turkey is imposing sanctions – all of this I think is, again, isolate the government in Syria.
And, you know, I can’t tell you when, but clearly it’s a matter of time before Assad is taken off of his position of leadership in Syria.
We are – I mean, it is tragic, obviously, that there are people who are dying, but the key right now is to continue to put pressure on him, to continue the international unity that is continuing to make the effort to replace Assad. That, I think, is working. It’s working effectively.
[ed note:this is extensive so i cant post everything said due to lack of space on blogs front page click link above for rest...
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